演講稿具有邏輯嚴(yán)密，態(tài)度明確，觀點(diǎn)鮮明的特點(diǎn)。隨著社會(huì)不斷地進(jìn)步，我們都可能會(huì)用到演講稿，你知道如何寫一份演講稿嗎？下面是范文網(wǎng)小編收集的TED演講3篇(TED演講文章)，供大家閱讀。
TED演講1
TED演講:做勇敢的女孩 不做完美的女孩
我們社會(huì)一直默認(rèn)的教育方式是“將女孩養(yǎng)成完美無(wú)缺的人，將男孩育成勇敢無(wú)畏的人?！?但演講者Reshma Saujani卻否定這樣的觀點(diǎn)，每一個(gè)人都應(yīng)該有勇氣去挑戰(zhàn)自己從來(lái)就只是想想而不敢嘗試的事，男生女生都應(yīng)該為自己勇敢！TED演講英文文稿: TED演講中文文稿: 0:12 So a few years ago, I did something really brave, or some would say really ran :22 For years, I had existed safely behind the scenes in politics as a fundraiser, as an organizer, butin my heart, I always wanted to sitting congresswoman had been in my district had never lost a race, and no one had really even run against her in a in my mind, this was my way to make a difference, to disrupt the status , however, told a very different pollsters told me that I was crazy to run, thatthere was no way that I could :01 But I ran anyway, and in 2012, I became an upstart in a New York City congressional I was going to had the endorsement from the New York Daily News, the WallStreet Journal snapped pictures of me on election day, and CNBC called it one of the hottestraces in the raised money from everyone I knew, including Indian aunties that werejust so happy an Indian girl was on election day, the polls were right, and I only got19 percent of the vote, and the same papers that said I was a rising political star now said Iwasted million dollars on 6,321 't do the was :55 Now, before you get the wrong idea, this is not a talk about the importance of is itabout leaning tell you the story of how I ran for Congress because I was 33 years old and itwas the first time in my entire life that I had done something that was truly brave, where I didn'tworry about being :20 And I'm not alone: so many women I talk to tell me that they gravitate towards careers andprofessions that they know they're going to be great in, that they know they're going to beperfect in, and it's no wonder girls are taught to avoid risk and 're taught tosmile pretty, play it safe, get all A', on the other hand, are taught to play rough, swinghigh, crawl to the top of the monkey bars and then just jump off by the timethey're adults, whether they're negotiating a raise or even asking someone out on a date,they're habituated to take risk after 're rewarded for 's often said in Silicon Valley,no one even takes you seriously unless you've had two failed other words, we'reraising our girls to be perfect, and we're raising our boys to be :20 Some people worry about our federal deficit, but I, I worry about our bravery , our society, we're just losing out because we're not raising our girls to be deficit is why women are underrepresented in STEM, in C-suites, in boardrooms, inCongress, and pretty much everywhere you :45 In the 1980s, psychologist Carol Dweck looked at how bright fifth graders handled an assignmentthat was too difficult for found that bright girls were quick to give higher theIQ, the more likely they were to give boys, on the other hand, found the difficultmaterial to be a found it were more likely to redouble :11 What's going on? Well, at the fifth grade level, girls routinely outperform boys in every subject,including math and science, so it's not a question of difference is in how boys andgirls approach a it doesn't just end in fifth HP report found that men willapply for a job if they meet only 60 percent of the qualifications, but women, women will applyonly if they meet 100 percent of the study is usually invoked asevidence that, well, women need a little more I think it's evidence that womenhave been socialized to aspire to perfection, and they're overly :00(Applause)5:03 And even when we're ambitious, even when we're leaning in, that socialization of perfection hascaused us to take less risks in our so those 600,000 jobs that are open right now incomputing and tech, women are being left behind, and it means our economy is being leftbehind on all the innovation and problems women would solve if they were socialized to be braveinstead of socialized to be :35(Applause)5:39 So in 2012, I started a company to teach girls to code, and what I found is that by teachingthem to code I had socialized them to be , it's an endless process of trial anderror, of trying to get the right command in the right place, with sometimes just a semicolonmaking the difference between success and breaks and then it falls apart, and itoften takes many, many tries until that magical moment when what you're trying to build comesto requires requires :21 We immediately see in our program our girls' fear of not getting it right, of not being Girls Who Code teacher tells me the same the first week, when the girls arelearning how to code, a student will call her over and she'll say, “I don't know what code towrite.” The teacher will look at her screen, and she'll see a blank text she didn't knowany better, she'd think that her student spent the past 20 minutes just staring at the if she presses undo a few times, she'll see that her student wrote code and then deleted tried, she came close, but she didn't get it exactly of showing the progressthat she made, she'd rather show nothing at or :13 It turns out that our girls are really good at coding, but it's not enough just to teach them :21 My friend Lev Brie, who is a professor at the University of Columbia and teaches intro to Javatells me about his office hours with computer science the guys are strugglingwith an assignment, they'll come in and they'll say, “Professor, there's something wrong with mycode.” The girls will come in and say, “Professor, there's something wrong with me.” 7:44 We have to begin to undo the socialization of perfection, but we've got to combine it with buildinga sisterhood that lets girls know that they are not trying harder is not going to fixa broken can't tell you how many women tell me, 8:00 "I'm afraid to raise my hand, I'm afraid to ask a question, because I don't want to be the onlyone who doesn't understand, the only one who is we teach girls to be braveand we have a supportive network cheering them on, they will build incredible things, and I seethis every , for instance, two of our high school students who built a game calledTampon Run--yes, Tampon Run--to fight against the menstruation taboo and sexism the Syrian refugee who dared show her love for her new country by building an appto help Americans get to the a 16-year-old girl who built an algorithm to help detectwhether a cancer is benign or malignant in the off chance that she can save her daddy'slifebecause he has are just three examples of thousands,thousandsofgirlswhohave been socialized to be imperfect, who have learned to keep trying, who have learned whether they become coders or the next Hillary Clinton or Beyoncé, they willnot defer their :26 And those dreams have never been more important for our the Americaneconomy, for any economy to grow, to truly innovate, we cannot leave behind half have to socialize our girls to be comfortable with imperfection, and we've got todo it cannot wait for them to learn how to be brave like I did when I was 33 years have to teach them to be brave in schools and early in their careers, when it has the mostpotential to impact their lives and the lives of others, and we have to show them that they will beloved and accepted not for being perfect but for being so I need each of youto tell every young woman you know--your sister, your niece, your employee, your colleague--to be comfortable with imperfection, because when we teach girls to be imperfect, and we helpthem leverage it, we will build a movement of young women who are brave and who will build abetter world for themselves and for each and every one of :44 Thank :45(Applause)Thank :56 Chris Anderson: Reshma, thank 's such a powerful vision you have a me how it's many girls are involved now in your program? 11:06 Reshma Saujani: in 2012, we taught 20 year we'll teach 40,000 in all :15 And that number is really powerful, because last year we only graduated 7,500 women incomputer , the problem is so bad that we can make that type of change :29 CA: And you're working with some of the companies in this room even, who are welcominggraduates from your program? 11:35 RS: Yeah, we have about 80 partners, from Twitter to Facebook to Adobe to IBM to Microsoftto Pixar to Disney, I mean, every single company out if you're not signed up, I'mgoing to find you, because we need every single tech company to embed a Girls Who Codeclassroom in their :52 CA: And you have some stories back from some of those companies that when you mix in moregender balance in the engineering teams, good things :01 RS: Great things mean, I think that it's crazy to me to think about the fact that rightnow 85 percent of all consumer purchases are made by use social media at arate of 600 percent more than own the Internet, and we should be building thecompanies of I think when companies have diverse teams, and they haveincredible women that are part of their engineering teams, they build awesome things, and wesee it every :24 CA: Reshma, you saw the reaction 're doing incredibly important wholecommunity is cheering you power to :32
TED演講2
私有制：中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡的真正源泉
甚至連許多西方經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家都認(rèn)為,中國(guó)已經(jīng)找到了主要依靠國(guó)家財(cái)政與控制的繁榮之路。但是，他們大錯(cuò)特錯(cuò)了。
2009年3月 ? 黃亞生
美國(guó)式資本主義的可信性是全球金融危機(jī)中最早的犧牲品之一。隨著雷曼兄弟銀行的破產(chǎn)倒閉，全世界的權(quán)威評(píng)論家一窩蜂地唱衰美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)理念——有限政府、最小限度的監(jiān)管和對(duì)信貸的自由市場(chǎng)分配等。在考慮以何種模式取代沒(méi)落的美國(guó)模式時(shí)，有些人把目光轉(zhuǎn)向了中國(guó)。在中國(guó)，市場(chǎng)受到嚴(yán)格的監(jiān)管，而金融機(jī)構(gòu)則由國(guó)家控制。在經(jīng)歷了華爾街的潰敗后，焦躁不安的弗朗西斯?福山在《新聞周刊》（Newsweek）上撰文指出，中國(guó)式的國(guó)家資本主義“看起來(lái)越來(lái)越有吸引力了?！薄度A盛頓郵報(bào)》（Washington Post）的專欄作家大衛(wèi)?伊格內(nèi)修斯為基于孔子思想的“新干預(yù)主義”在全球的出現(xiàn)而高聲歡呼；伊格內(nèi)修斯引用理查德?尼克松間接稱頌經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家凱恩斯（John Maynard Keynes）的話說(shuō)：“現(xiàn)在我們都中國(guó)化了?！?/p>
但是，在宣布新的中國(guó)世紀(jì)的曙光到來(lái)之前，全球的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和高管們需要好好再想一想，中國(guó)活力的源泉到底是什么。說(shuō)到中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡產(chǎn)生的原因，獲得廣泛認(rèn)可的看法——那是專家治國(guó)論的勝利，共產(chǎn)黨依靠國(guó)家控制的企業(yè)實(shí)現(xiàn)了向市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的逐步轉(zhuǎn)型——從各個(gè)重要方面來(lái)講都錯(cuò)了。這種標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的看法認(rèn)為，企業(yè)家精神、私有財(cái)產(chǎn)權(quán)、金融自由化和政治改革對(duì)中國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡只發(fā)揮了很小的作用。但是，基于對(duì)中國(guó)政府的調(diào)查數(shù)據(jù)和中央及地方政府文件的詳細(xì)分析，我的研究結(jié)論是，財(cái)產(chǎn)權(quán)和私營(yíng)企業(yè)是高速增長(zhǎng)和貧困水平降低最主要的激勵(lì)因素。
我們經(jīng)常讀到這樣的文章，認(rèn)為漸進(jìn)主義是中國(guó)成功地從馬克思主義轉(zhuǎn)型到市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的關(guān)鍵因素；許多文章稱贊北京摒棄了俄羅斯式的休克療法，采用更加務(wù)實(shí)的方法，創(chuàng)建了良好的商業(yè)環(huán)境，讓私營(yíng)企業(yè)有機(jī)地發(fā)展。這種觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為，通過(guò)在上世紀(jì)80年代首先進(jìn)行小范圍改革，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的自由度和市場(chǎng)導(dǎo)向水平逐漸提高，并在90年代后期積蓄了發(fā)展動(dòng)力。但事實(shí)并非如此。實(shí)際發(fā)生的情況是，上世紀(jì)80年代進(jìn)行的金融自由化和私營(yíng)企業(yè)的早期地方性試驗(yàn)，催生了鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)最初的蓬勃發(fā)展。正是這些早期的收獲——而并非國(guó)家主導(dǎo)的大規(guī)?；A(chǔ)設(shè)施投資和90年代的城市化——為中國(guó)奇跡奠定了真正的基礎(chǔ)。盡管有許多專家將中國(guó)宏大的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施項(xiàng)目和利用外國(guó)資金建設(shè)的嶄新工廠與印度破敗不堪的公路和微不足道的外國(guó)直接投資流進(jìn)行比較，但這種觀點(diǎn)夸大了公共開支和外國(guó)投資對(duì)中國(guó)發(fā)展的貢獻(xiàn)。直到上世紀(jì)90年代后期以前，這兩種因素在中國(guó)的影響力所占比重都不大——它們的出現(xiàn)比80年代寬松的金融控制和最初的鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)發(fā)展大潮要晚得多。在上世紀(jì)80年代，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展要比90年代快得多，并且產(chǎn)生了更好的社會(huì)效益：貧困人口下降，貧富差距縮小，而且勞動(dòng)力在GDP中所占份額——衡量從經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展中人均獲益的指標(biāo)——顯著上升。從1978年到1988年，生活水平低于中國(guó)貧困線的農(nóng)村人口減少了億以上。而在90年代，盡管GDP幾乎都達(dá)到了兩位數(shù)增長(zhǎng)，并且實(shí)施了大規(guī)模的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施建設(shè)，但貧困人口數(shù)量卻只下降了6,000萬(wàn)。此外，在80年代，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)主要靠投資而不是消費(fèi)驅(qū)動(dòng)的程度遠(yuǎn)不像今天這樣嚴(yán)重。
換句話說(shuō)，企業(yè)資本主義與國(guó)家資本主義不同，它不僅帶來(lái)了增長(zhǎng)，而且還對(duì)增長(zhǎng)所帶來(lái)的利益進(jìn)行了廣泛的分配。企業(yè)主義（Entrepreneurialism）既充滿活力，又符合社會(huì)道德。
西方媒體總愛(ài)把像北京、上海和深圳這樣的大城市稱頌為生機(jī)勃勃的發(fā)展中心（見圖表）。而中國(guó)的農(nóng)村地區(qū)，即使被提到，也通常被形容為貧困的窮鄉(xiāng)僻壤。但是，只要對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)數(shù)據(jù)進(jìn)行仔細(xì)分析，就會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)，對(duì)中國(guó)現(xiàn)代化城市高樓大廈的這些令人震撼的描述完全是一種誤導(dǎo)：事實(shí)上，中國(guó)的農(nóng)村才具有最大的經(jīng)濟(jì)活力，而政府的強(qiáng)勢(shì)干預(yù)已經(jīng)窒息了中心城市的企業(yè)家精神和所有權(quán)。
后一種觀點(diǎn)的重要性無(wú)論怎樣強(qiáng)調(diào)都不過(guò)分。中國(guó)資本主義的發(fā)展歷史事實(shí)上大部分都可以被描述為兩個(gè)中國(guó)的斗爭(zhēng)：由市場(chǎng)推動(dòng)的、富有企業(yè)家精神的農(nóng)村與由國(guó)家主導(dǎo)的城市之間的斗爭(zhēng)。無(wú)論何時(shí)何地，只要中國(guó)農(nóng)村占據(jù)優(yōu)勢(shì)地位，中國(guó)的資本主義就是企業(yè)式的、獨(dú)立于政治的，并且是充滿競(jìng)爭(zhēng)活力的。無(wú)論何時(shí)何地，只要中國(guó)城市占據(jù)主導(dǎo)地位，中國(guó)的資本主義就會(huì)朝著依賴于政治和國(guó)家集權(quán)的方向發(fā)展。
上海是中國(guó)城市發(fā)展最顯著的象征，其現(xiàn)代化的摩天大樓、外國(guó)奢侈品商店和全國(guó)最高的人均GDP使其成為中國(guó)的模范城市——一個(gè)國(guó)家資本主義獲得成功的最好例證。事實(shí)果真如此嗎？采用更具有實(shí)際意義的經(jīng)濟(jì)成就指標(biāo)來(lái)衡量，上海的發(fā)展遠(yuǎn)不及溫州。溫州是位于上海南邊數(shù)百英里以外一個(gè)浙江省的城市，這里是企業(yè)資本主義的一片樂(lè)土。上世紀(jì)80年代初期，使溫州聞名于世的僅僅是它那勤勞的農(nóng)民。當(dāng)時(shí)，在溫州的500萬(wàn)居民中，城市人口還不到10%。如今，溫州是中國(guó)最具活力的城市，其數(shù)量眾多的企業(yè)主宰著歐洲的服裝市場(chǎng)。而相比之下，曾經(jīng)是中國(guó)最早的實(shí)業(yè)家樂(lè)園的上海，如今卻很少涌現(xiàn)出本土企業(yè)家。
溫州的轉(zhuǎn)型幾乎完全是靠自由市場(chǎng)政策來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn)的。早在1982年，當(dāng)?shù)毓賳T就開始試行民間借貸、自由利率、存貸款機(jī)構(gòu)的跨地區(qū)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，以及向私營(yíng)企業(yè)提供貸款等。溫州市政府還大力保護(hù)私營(yíng)企業(yè)家的財(cái)產(chǎn)權(quán)，并從其他諸多方面使城市更有利于企業(yè)的發(fā)展。
本土企業(yè)為民生福祉帶來(lái)了什么變化嗎？非常多。按人均GDP計(jì)，上海幾乎是溫州所在的浙江省的兩倍（難以獲得溫州人均GDP的詳細(xì)數(shù)據(jù)）。但是，如果衡量家庭收入——一般居民的實(shí)際的支出能力——這兩個(gè)地區(qū)的繁榮程度就旗鼓相當(dāng)了。2006年，一個(gè)典型上海居民的家庭收入比一個(gè)典型浙江居民的家庭收入高13%，但上海居民的非工薪收入水平（如政府福利）卻幾乎是浙江居民的兩倍。兩地居民的平均勞動(dòng)收入大體相當(dāng)。平均來(lái)看，上海居民從經(jīng)營(yíng)企業(yè)中獲得的收入比浙江居民低44%，而從所擁有的資產(chǎn)中獲得的收入則要低34%。這就意味著：國(guó)家資本主義可以提高城市高樓大廈的樓高和GDP的統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)，但并未提升居民的實(shí)際生活水平。
如果研究一下浙江省與其北部近鄰江蘇省的經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況，這種對(duì)比就會(huì)更加清晰。這兩個(gè)省份可以進(jìn)行近乎完美的比較。它們的地理?xiàng)l件差不多相同：都是沿海省份，江蘇位于上海北面，而浙江位于上海南面。它們還擁有相似的企業(yè)發(fā)展歷史：都對(duì)解放前上海的實(shí)業(yè)家
和企業(yè)家階層做出過(guò)重大貢獻(xiàn)。然而，在改革以后的若干年里，江蘇省吸引了外國(guó)投資并從公共建設(shè)工程開支中受益頗多，而浙江省卻不然。這種差異產(chǎn)生了令人吃驚的結(jié)果。
20年前，江蘇省比浙江省更為富庶，但如今卻比浙江窮，在每一項(xiàng)重要的經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)福利指標(biāo)上都落后于浙江。平均來(lái)看，浙江居民的資產(chǎn)性收入要大大高于其北方鄰省的居民，他們居住的房子更大，擁有電話、計(jì)算機(jī)、彩電、相機(jī)或汽車的比例更高。浙江的嬰兒死亡率更低，浙江人的平均預(yù)期壽命更長(zhǎng)，識(shí)字率也更高。值得注意的是，浙江的收入不平等程度也遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)低于江蘇。應(yīng)該如何解釋浙江更勝一籌的繁榮呢？最令人信服的解釋是，在江蘇，政府對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)干預(yù)過(guò)多，歧視本地企業(yè)而青睞外國(guó)資本；而浙江的官員則讓本土企業(yè)家擁有自由支配權(quán)，允許他們構(gòu)建更大、更富有活力的本地供應(yīng)鏈。
中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡的真正難解之處并不是其經(jīng)濟(jì)如何發(fā)展，而是西方專家為何對(duì)其發(fā)展歷程的理解錯(cuò)誤百出。一個(gè)原因是，這些外來(lái)旁觀者誤解了構(gòu)成中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)體系最基本的元素之一——鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)——的性質(zhì)。一些西方最知名的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家將鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)稱為具有中國(guó)特色——具有創(chuàng)新意義的混合體，在政府的控制下實(shí)現(xiàn)了高速增長(zhǎng)——的資本主義象征。例如，諾貝爾獎(jiǎng)得主約瑟夫?斯蒂格里茲就稱贊鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)為從社會(huì)主義到資本主義轉(zhuǎn)型時(shí)最常見的問(wèn)題——私人投資者的資產(chǎn)剝離——提供了具有獨(dú)創(chuàng)性的解決方案1他認(rèn)為，這些企業(yè)既具有公有制的形式，可以避免被掠奪，同時(shí)又能實(shí)現(xiàn)私營(yíng)企業(yè)的高效率。
簡(jiǎn)而言之，西方經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家常常認(rèn)為鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)歸鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)政府所有。就在2005年，另一位諾貝爾獎(jiǎng)得主道格拉斯?羅斯在《華爾街日?qǐng)?bào)》上撰文指出，鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)“與經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)中的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)企業(yè)很少有相似之處” 2。但有證據(jù)表明，情況并非如此。在中國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)院1984年3月1日發(fā)布的一份政策性文件中，第一次正式提到了鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)的名稱。該文件將它們定義為“由鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)主辦的企業(yè)、由農(nóng)民組成的聯(lián)合企業(yè)、其他聯(lián)合企業(yè)和個(gè)體企業(yè)。”“由鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)主辦的企業(yè)”一詞指的是歸鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)所有并管理的集體企業(yè)。該政策文件中提到的所有其他企業(yè)均為私營(yíng)企業(yè)：個(gè)人所有的企業(yè)或有多個(gè)股東的較大型企業(yè)——都是嚴(yán)格意義上的“經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)中的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)企業(yè)”。官方對(duì)“鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)”一詞的使用具有非常顯著的一致性：它一直是既包括私營(yíng)企業(yè)，也包括政府主辦的企業(yè)。
西方經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家之所以會(huì)犯錯(cuò)誤，是因?yàn)樗麄冋J(rèn)定該名稱涉及到所有制。但中國(guó)官方卻從地理含義上去理解它——位于鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)的企業(yè)。中國(guó)農(nóng)業(yè)部的記錄證明，私人擁有并管理的企業(yè)實(shí)體在鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)中占絕大部分。在1985年到2002年期間，集體所有制企業(yè)的數(shù)量于1986年達(dá)到頂峰，為173萬(wàn)家，而私營(yíng)企業(yè)的數(shù)量卻迅猛增長(zhǎng)，從大約1050萬(wàn)家增加到超過(guò)2,000萬(wàn)家。換句話說(shuō)，在改革時(shí)期，鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)數(shù)量的增長(zhǎng)完全歸功于私營(yíng)企業(yè)。到1990年，在改革的頭10年中，此類私營(yíng)企業(yè)雇用的勞動(dòng)力數(shù)量占到了鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)雇用勞動(dòng)力總數(shù)的50%，而稅后利潤(rùn)則占到了58%。
對(duì)中國(guó)發(fā)展的真正源泉的思想混亂也攪亂了外國(guó)人對(duì)中國(guó)企業(yè)出現(xiàn)在國(guó)際市場(chǎng)上的理解認(rèn)知。人們常說(shuō)，中國(guó)為全球競(jìng)爭(zhēng)帶來(lái)了新的企業(yè)模式，國(guó)家所有制與明智的運(yùn)用政府對(duì)金融的控制相結(jié)合，創(chuàng)造了獨(dú)一無(wú)二的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力源泉。計(jì)算機(jī)制造商聯(lián)想公司就經(jīng)常被贊頌為中國(guó)非傳統(tǒng)商業(yè)環(huán)境中的一個(gè)杰作。
但是，聯(lián)想的成功大部分要?dú)w功于其早期便在香港注冊(cè)并在香港募集資本的能力，而香港被認(rèn)為是世界上最自由的市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)。1984年，聯(lián)想公司從中國(guó)科學(xué)院獲得了第一筆啟
動(dòng)資金，但其后所有重大投資的資金均來(lái)自于香港3。1988年，該公司從總部位于香港的中國(guó)技術(shù)公司獲得了90萬(wàn)港幣（萬(wàn)美元）的投資，成立了合資公司，使聯(lián)想能夠?qū)⑾愀圩鳛槠浞ǘǖ墓舅诘亍?993年，香港聯(lián)想公司在香港證券交易所首次公開上市，集資1,200萬(wàn)美元。聯(lián)想公司是香港基于市場(chǎng)的金融與法律體系的成功故事，而并非中國(guó)由國(guó)家控制的金融體系的成功案例。
當(dāng)中國(guó)在汲取華爾街崩潰的教訓(xùn)，并準(zhǔn)備應(yīng)對(duì)全球經(jīng)濟(jì)低迷之時(shí)，它可能做的最糟糕的事情莫過(guò)于去接受它已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)了比自由市場(chǎng)更高效的發(fā)展模式的說(shuō)法。中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡的真正經(jīng)驗(yàn)其實(shí)非常傳統(tǒng)——基于私有制和自由市場(chǎng)金融。中國(guó)的經(jīng)驗(yàn)為全世界提供了非常及時(shí)的提示：旨在鼓勵(lì)這些力量發(fā)展的改革的確奏效。
作者簡(jiǎn)介：
黃亞生，麻省理工學(xué)院Sloan管理學(xué)院副教授，從事政治經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的教學(xué)工作，創(chuàng)建并管理麻省理工學(xué)院的中國(guó)和印度實(shí)驗(yàn)室，該實(shí)驗(yàn)室旨在幫助本土企業(yè)家提高管理技能。本文摘自其《具有中國(guó)特色的資本主義：企業(yè)精神與國(guó)家》（Capitalism with Chinese Characteristics: Entrepreneurship and the State）一書。
TED演講3
羅茲·薩維其：只身橫渡大西洋的現(xiàn)代傳奇
假如你要知道自己的人生該怎么走，不妨在你年輕的時(shí)候就給自己寫一份訃告。這是只身劃船橫渡大西洋的羅茲·薩維其（Roz Savage）的做法。
Roz在還年輕的時(shí)候是在英國(guó)當(dāng)管理咨詢顧問(wèn)，但她一直感到那不是她一生要追求的東西，因?yàn)樗矚g當(dāng)一位探險(xiǎn)家。當(dāng)她過(guò)了35歲之后，有一天給自己寫了兩份訃告。一份是按照自己希望過(guò)的生活形態(tài)來(lái)寫的，另外一份是按照現(xiàn)有的生活規(guī)律來(lái)寫的。寫完后，Roz認(rèn)真讀了兩份訃告，她感到假如自己是按照現(xiàn)有的生活方式生活下去的話，無(wú)疑會(huì)像第二份訃告里所描述的那樣度過(guò)自己未來(lái)的五年、十年，乃至余生。這樣的生活也很如意，但就是缺了點(diǎn)什么。Roz覺(jué)得第一份訃告所記述的人生才是她所認(rèn)同的人生。她說(shuō)，那天我看著這兩份訃告，我在想，天啊，我現(xiàn)在走的是完全錯(cuò)誤的道路啊。后來(lái)，她辭掉了工作，又經(jīng)過(guò)一番掙扎，最后決定跳出常規(guī)思維的局限，并下決心要坐一只小船，拿著雙槳?jiǎng)澬写笪餮蟆?/p>
也許經(jīng)?？刺诫U(xiǎn)片的人馬上會(huì)想到粗胡子大漢獨(dú)自一人闖蕩大海的影像。但是，Roz是一個(gè)普普通通的女子，她也不是職業(yè)探險(xiǎn)家，更不曾有過(guò)特別的經(jīng)歷。但是，她還是決定試一試。
2005年，Roz出發(fā)了。非常不幸的是，她選的時(shí)間剛好是大西洋上氣旋特別活躍的時(shí)期，小船出行甚為困難。另外，她所準(zhǔn)備的4對(duì)船槳都相繼折斷，在茫茫的大海中，沒(méi)有人能幫到她，Roz唯一能做的，就是用船上的工具把船槳修補(bǔ)好，繼續(xù)前行。
在大海上的劃行給Roz帶來(lái)了巨大的心理和生理挑戰(zhàn)，她甚至在想，以每個(gè)小時(shí)2英里的速度來(lái)劃行，要到哪個(gè)牛年馬月才能完成3000英里的征途？但她沒(méi)有辦法，只能一步一步的前進(jìn)。經(jīng)過(guò)103天的努力，Roz終于順利到達(dá)彼岸。在岸上，她得到了現(xiàn)場(chǎng)諸多粉絲的熱烈歡迎，她說(shuō)，那種感覺(jué)就像是當(dāng)上了電影明星。同時(shí)也印證了一個(gè)講法，險(xiǎn)阻越大，克服困難后最終得到的成果也越大。從大西洋回來(lái)后，Roz又開始計(jì)劃她的太平洋劃行之旅?，F(xiàn)在，她已經(jīng)完成了太平洋旅程（約9000至英里）的三分之二。她回頭反思，總結(jié)出大海劃行給她帶來(lái)的一些啟示：
首先，我們給自己講述的故事會(huì)影響我們的態(tài)度。開始時(shí)，Roz也認(rèn)為只有那些粗胡子的大漢才有能力劃行大海。但事實(shí)并非如此。同樣道理，我們一直認(rèn)為石油是比不可少的。但實(shí)際上，除了石油之外是有很多其他可持續(xù)的選擇的，我們也有這樣的自由意志去作出恰當(dāng)?shù)倪x擇。
其次，是關(guān)于一點(diǎn)一滴的個(gè)體行動(dòng)本身。我們會(huì)以外單獨(dú)的個(gè)體就是大海中的一滴水，無(wú)足輕重。但正是很多人的壞決定之累計(jì)使得我們所有人走向?yàn)?zāi)難之邊緣。而假如我們可以換個(gè)角度去思考，可以試想，假如每個(gè)人都能做出智慧的抉擇，我們就有可能走向更可持續(xù)的未來(lái)。并且我們將會(huì)是與很多人一道來(lái)做這樣的事
情，假如我們都開始做智慧的抉擇，那么也許未來(lái)到超市購(gòu)物使用塑料袋就會(huì)被大眾認(rèn)為是愚蠢的抉擇。而這也僅僅是其中一個(gè)例子。
最后，整個(gè)過(guò)程都是關(guān)乎承擔(dān)責(zé)任的。Roz曾一直以為只有當(dāng)她有了好房子、好車、好男人之后，快樂(lè)就會(huì)自然降臨到她身上。但當(dāng)她寫完了那兩份訃告之后，她似乎懂得了一點(diǎn)什么。她知道自己不能被動(dòng)的去等待。另一方面，即使能夠活到90歲，但是，生活在一個(gè)有饑荒和干旱的地球而祈求獲得快樂(lè)也是非常困難的事情，更不能指望在這樣的環(huán)境下生活會(huì)讓人健康長(zhǎng)壽了。于是，Roz決定發(fā)起一個(gè)叫EcoHeroes的倡導(dǎo)活動(dòng)，幫助人們記錄生活中的環(huán)境友好行為。也許單純換一個(gè)燈泡不能帶來(lái)太多改變，但這樣的精神卻是拯救地球所必須的一種態(tài)度。
我們站在歷史上非常關(guān)鍵的時(shí)刻，我們?cè)魂P(guān)愛(ài)的，也曾被詛咒。我們還能選擇一個(gè)綠色的未來(lái)——唯需每個(gè)人一點(diǎn)一滴的努力?！猂oz Savage
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